Archives

  • 2018-07
  • 2018-10
  • 2018-11
  • 2019-04
  • 2019-05
  • 2019-06
  • 2019-07
  • 2019-08
  • 2019-09
  • 2019-10
  • 2019-11
  • 2019-12
  • 2020-01
  • 2020-02
  • 2020-03
  • 2020-04
  • 2020-05
  • 2020-06
  • 2020-07
  • 2020-08
  • 2020-09
  • 2020-10
  • 2020-11
  • 2020-12
  • 2021-01
  • 2021-02
  • 2021-03
  • 2021-04
  • 2021-05
  • 2021-06
  • 2021-07
  • 2021-08
  • 2021-09
  • 2021-10
  • 2021-11
  • 2021-12
  • 2022-01
  • 2022-02
  • 2022-03
  • 2022-04
  • 2022-05
  • 2022-06
  • 2022-07
  • 2022-08
  • 2022-09
  • 2022-10
  • 2022-11
  • 2022-12
  • 2023-01
  • 2023-02
  • 2023-03
  • 2023-04
  • 2023-05
  • 2023-06
  • 2023-08
  • 2023-09
  • 2023-10
  • 2023-11
  • 2023-12
  • 2024-01
  • 2024-02
  • 2024-03
  • 2024-04
  • 2024-05
  • Introduction One of the key drivers of performance

    2018-10-26

    Introduction One of the key drivers of performance of salespeople was long ago speculated to be ego-drive (Mayer & Greenberg, 1964). Ego-drive has not been studied systematically in marketing and has been defined in various ways, referring to motivation, a “need to conquer”, and pride. We attempt in this order RVX-208 article to provide an in-depth study of the role of pride in selling, as grounded in basic research in psychology and using a quasi-experimental field methodology in a cross-cultural setting. Pride is defined as the phenomenological experience of “joy over an action, thought, or feeling well done” (Lewis, 2000, p. 630), and is frequently contrasted with shame (Mascolo & Fischer, 1995). Lazarus (1991, p. 271) specifies the “core relational theme” for pride as “enhancement of one\'s ego-identity by taking credit for a valued object or achievement, either our own or that of someone or group with whom we identify”. A core relational theme is the “central…relational harm or benefit in adaptational encounters” that underlies an emotion (Lazarus, 1991, p. 121).
    Self-regulation of pride in cultural context We turn now to the effect of culture on organizational citizenship behaviors, as well as on adaptive resource utilization and working hard, when pride is experienced by salespersons. Because different emotion display rules exist between the Netherlands and the Philippines our research context, we expect a dynamic modulation of the effects of experienced pride by motivation management and dispositional proneness to pride in these two cultural contexts, but only under the conditions developed below. These conditions represent different impression-management motives (see Bolino, 1999). In our field study, we manipulate the experience of pride by salespersons, and felt pride then becomes an emotional state potentially subject to self-regulation in interactions with customers and in interactions with coworkers. The self-regulation of pride in these two situations will be shown below to be governed by specific cultural factors, such that the different cultural imperatives found in the Netherlands and the Philippines interact with particular demands and implications present in salesperson–customer and in salesperson–coworker relationships to yield four distinct hypotheses. Table 1 foreshadows these hypotheses. Note that our study can be considered a quasi-experiment wherein hypotheses and relationships in our models are formally compared across groups (i.e., between Dutch and Filipino salesforces). Consider first self-construal. Researchers have found Fate map two construals of the self can be identified in people, depending on the culture within which one has been raised and lives (e.g., Hess & Kirouac, 2000; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Shweder & Bourne, 1984; Triandis, 1995). The Dutch, like many people in Western cultures, tend to experience an independent self-concept, which is characterized by an emphasis on personal goals, personal achievement, and appreciation of one\'s differences from others. People with an independent self-concept tend to be individualistic, egocentric, autonomous, self-reliant, and self-contained. They place considerable importance on asserting the self and are driven by self-serving motives. The individual is the primary unit of consciousness, with the self coterminous with one\'s own body. Relationships with others frequently serve as standards of self-appraisal, and the independent self takes a strategic posture vis-à-vis others in an effort to express or assert one\'s internal attributes. Emphasis is placed on displaying one\'s attributes or feelings (e.g., revealing anger, showing pride). The normative imperative is to become independent from others and discover one\'s uniqueness. Filipinos, like many people in Eastern cultures, tend to experience an interdependent self-concept, which is characterized by stress placed on goals of a group to which one belongs, attention to fitting in with others, and appreciation of commonalities with others. People with an interdependent self-concept tend to be obedient, sociocentric, holistic, connected, and relation oriented. They place much importance on social harmony and are driven by other-serving motives. The social relationships one has are the primary order RVX-208 unit of consciousness, with the self coterminous with either a group or set of roles one has with individuals across groups. Relationships with others are ends in and of themselves, and the interdependent self takes a stance vis-à-vis others of giving and receiving social support. One\'s personal attributes are secondary and are allowed to change as needed in response to situational demands. Emphasis is placed on controlling one\'s attributes or feelings (e.g., curbing displays of anger so as to avoid conflict). The normative imperative is to maintain one\'s interdependence with others and contribute to the welfare of the group.